Please welcome our new author Vadim Costyrin with his first but serious post on the present days of those born in the USSR, brought up by the Yeltsin’s coup and now left to seek their national and cultural identity all by themselves.

A performance at a kindergarten.

Once the USSR inspired us with fear, now this country does not exist. We have the big Russia and a lot of small and not so small, whimsical republics, for the right to include which in the sphere of their influence there fight politicians of the superpowers. Together with the Soviet Union we have lost Russians — our antipodes — against whom we willy-nilly matched. It may seem that it is a victory — but Russians want the USSR back, and after only two decades there are much more fears and threats.

We have been fearing the Soviets sincerely and for a long time. But they have split.

We have lost our enemy — communists with their “Satan” and “Kuzkina mat”, and at once have found a new enemy that is even more global — terrorists. As a first approximation a terrorist is the same as a communist — since in our world view all Russians were communists and professed a wrong ideology. And now all Muslims are certainly terrorists, and we must struggle with their ideas. I only have a natural question: “Who are these “we”? It seems to me there are simply no “us”, and in order to unite me and you in something which would look like “us”, it is necessary to frighten “us” properly. Russians have a saying: “Devil is not so black as he is painted” — and indeed, inside the country looks differently, and its dwellers, too, are not absolutely similar to the comical images imposed on us by our “independent” press.

So why invent external enemies for us? The answer seems to be on the surface — I experienced it myself: when you have a headache and put a lemon peel on your temple the pain recedes — balsamic oils irritate the skin, and it switches your nervous system over to other irritant. Sometimes it seems to me that we are distracted by chattering about international problems from the problems which are inside our head.

Why don’t we want to notice behind the first persons of the states, their inhabitants? Did it ever occur to you that everything is not so simple with Russia? The USSR, for example, is considered by its inhabitants to be a huge strong country which they really love.

And if we dare look more attentively at this strange phenomenon of a mysterious — “Russian soul” we might see in a different light not only Russians, but our own selves as well.

On the go

Talking figures

Running the risk of seeming boring, I will nevertheless begin with the statistics — it is one of those cases when figures are more eloquent than words. According to the poll published by the All-Russian Center for Public Opinion Studying in the authoritative Russian newspaper “Kommersant”, in the rating of the most outstanding events of the XX century after the Great Patriotic War (16 %) there is Yuri Gagarin’s space flight (13 %). During ten years the share of those who considers this event to be especially significant, has reduced almost twofold. It is followed by the Moon landing (5 %). 4 % believe that the most outstanding event of the twentieth century is the Great October Revolution. Putin’s coming into power and computer invention got 2 % of votes each. The invention of a nuclear bomb, cellular connection, TV, as well as sport achievements of our country and the Moscow Olympic Games of 1980 received 1 % of Russians’ votes each.

Ten years ago in the rating of the most tragic events of the last century the First and Second world wars (43 %) were in the lead. Today on the first place there is the Great Patriotic War (36 %). The second place is occupied by the Chernobyl disaster (9 %). The wars in the Chechen Republic and Afghanistan are considered the most tragic events by 8 % of respondents. The October Revolution of 1917 and natural cataclysms received 4 % each. Then there is the tragedy in Beslan and capture of the Nord Ost musical (3 % each), putsch of 1991 and explosion of the twin towers on September 11 (2 % each), destruction of Kursk submarine, Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Yeltsin’s rule, Stalin’s rule, execution of the imperial family and invention of nuclear weapon (1 % each). The least tragic event in this rating is the story of Titanic. However, both ten years ago and now the greatest disappointment of the last century, according to Russians, is disintegration of the USSR (17 %).

Our compatriots put this event on the fourth place in the rating of the most tragic events. Perestroika, poverty and illnesses disappointed Russians less than disintegration of the USSR. It is followed by the crash of the communism ideas. “In the list of the greatest disappointments of the last century this time Russians did not name unemployment and social and economic reforms, spirituality decline, problems with drug addicts and ecology” — “Kommersant” writes.

It seems that the Soviet Union which was called “The Empire of Evil”, can be missed only by the older generation, however from the moment of the USSR disintegration there has been formed a new generation who never lived in the USSR. So why the statistics keeps saying what the inhabitants of the former USSR still feel nostalgic about the former times? The phrase “What a country is destroyed!” was heard by me repeatedly, even from people who simply can not remember the USSR. Why even among youth that can hardly be accused of feeling liking towards totalitarianism, “the Soviet childhood” is now fashionable? “I want back to the USSR. Ah, those good old times — probably, it was the best time in my life”— this phrase can be heard more and more often, and not only from veterans who lived in the Soviet times, but also from those who are in their early thirties. These are people who in 1991 were in high school, and even in kindergarten, who lovingly collect and quote the Soviet films and proudly show old radio-gramophones and vinyl records.

In the Russian-speaking Internet the USSR topic is one of the most popular, and it is popular among its most active users — young people. You don’t need to be a sociologist or “an expert on Russia” to see that the attitude to life in the USSR even among youth changed from very negative to very positive. For the last couple of years in the Internet there have appeared a lot of resources devoted to everyday life in the Soviet Union. “76 — 82. The Encyclopedia of our childhood“ is one of the most popular ones. Its name tells about its audience — it consists of those who was born in 76 — 82.

The community with the same name in LiveJournal belongs to the thirty of the most popular ones. “We are lucky that our childhood and youth ended before the government had bought freedom from young people in exchange for rollerblades, mobile phones, “star factories” and rusks (by the way, soft for some reason) … With their own consent … For their own (seemingly) good …” — it is a fragment from the text with the name “Generation 76 — 82”. Many Russians and the inhabitants of the former USSR republics eagerly place it in their blogs. It has become a kind of the generation’s manifesto.

However, only two decades ago the same people who now with tenderness recollect the symbols of that epoch, rejected all connected with the Soviets and tried hard not to resemble their “ancestors”. ”The local amnesia“ extends to the recent past. During the perestroika times — at the turn of the 90ies — a considerable part of young men dreamt to leave — somewhere where there was an elementary stability and the absence of financial shocks.

Economic instability has turned the generation of the end of the 70ies into the people not needed by the state. And those who were brought up on socialist ideals (which, by the way, if cleared of the ideological tinsel, are not that bad), have appeared in the position of fishes thrown out to shoal. Commercial relations were hard for them and were — and often still are — disgusting for many. Here under no circumstances it is a habit to accept money even from acquaintances. Instead they use specific small gifts as payment for service, for example, sweets or alcohol. Probably, a wide “Slavic soul “does not accept meanness peculiar to many aspects of business relations. It does not mean that Slavs do not have commercial abilities, they just have an essentially different system of values, but it is a topic for a separate article.

Out and about

A new cult of the old

Today the Soviet past in many countries of the former USSR has become a myth. It has acquired touching legends and has turned into a fine fairy tale about the Golden Age of the mankind. The generation of the end of the 70ies wants to believe in it so much that it is ready to amputate its own memory and to ignore the history. I will try to explain why — we often condemn Russia, forgetting to put ourselves on the place of Russians. Personally I would not like to live in a country captured by chaos, to be deprived of a possibility under any circumstances to take credit, to receive qualified medical aid (because expensive medications are necessary, and medical insurance simply does not exist), to live “from the salary to the salary” the largest part of which is eaten up by inflation. These are only some delights of life in the new countries which have arisen on the immense open space of the former Soviet Union; only during the last years the situation has begun to stabilize. It is possible to say that Russians have already endured several economic crises, and now they are fully armed — because they have developed certain schemes of behaviour in such situations and have simply got used to living under the conditions of instability.

If we think of instability we will understand, why so many people warmly recollect the USSR. In this country people lived not just behind the Iron Curtain but behind the stone wall — they knew precisely how much everything cost: prices did not change for years; everyone was confident that they would receive their wages or salary in time, and so on. Now inhabitants of the former USSR countries try to find out beforehand if the firm for which they intend to work will pay the salary — because, as they say, they may be done out of their money — that is not receive the pay for their work. It is a widespread practice — since contracts are not habitual there, and the employer can simply forge your signature on documents, and it will be hard for you to prove anything in court. Although in Moscow this practice is not so popular, in the suburbs there is a huge corruption of the authorities and impunity of businessmen who bribe the officials. Explaining this phenomenon, one my colleagues from Ukraine said: “You have a lawyer, and here everyone has a public prosecutor or a judge”.

However, it is impossible to explain by instability so many warm memoirs of so many young men of the country which they have hardly seen. Sociologists assert that one of the reasons is banal: nostalgia about the Soviet Union is in many respects explained by nostalgia about childhood. Idealizing of the childhood years is peculiar to all. Bad things are forgotten, good things remain. However the reasons for such a “not childish” nostalgia are deeper than just melancholy for the lost youth. By idealizing the Soviet past, the thirty-somethings unwittingly show what they dislike about the present.

The thirty something ones

What “freedom” is

I will probably disappoint you but there is no univocal understanding of the word “freedom”. We think that we live in the free country, but we are not free inside: we just do not know that it can be different. One needs to be an odd fellow, like Jeremy Oliver, crazy about what he does, to make us, die-hard conservatives, notice that, for example, we eat unhealthy food. But if we look at the countries of the former USSR, we will see the generation of people who can compare, who have no “consumer blinds”. We got used to pounds, while they during two decades had the names, the design and the purchasing capacity of money changed several times. “In the childhood we drove cars without belts and safety pillows.… Our beds were painted with bright paints with high content of lead. There were no secret covers on bottles with medicine, doors and wardrobes often remained unlocked. We drank water from the column located around the corner, not from plastic bottles. And nobody could think of driving bike in a helmet!” — this is an excerpt from the same “manifesto”. “We became less free!” — this shout of despair can be heard from many blogs. Here is one more citation: ”I recall that time, and the main sensation is the feeling of uttermost freedom. Life was not subordinated to such tight schedule as it is now, and there was plenty of free time.

Our parents’ vacations lasted for month and if someone was ill he could easily be on a sick leave, instead of continuing working being half-alive. You could go anywhere you wanted, and nobody would ever stop you. There were no coded locks and on-door speakerphones, there were no security guards at each entrance, in each shop. The airport was an extremely interesting place from where travel began, instead of being a part of the high security zone. In general, there were very few tablets with inscriptions like “No trespassing!”, “For personnel only”, “Stay away” etc.

There is a strange metamorphosis of memoirs. In the Soviet Union there were much more frightening inscriptions like “No trespassing!” — but childhood memories erase them, and memory about what was seen a couple of days ago completes these notorious tablets.

Objectively the Soviet society was less free than the present one or than our, Western, society, and not only in terms of politics. Human life moved along the strictly planned route: local kindergarten — high school — institute/army — prescribed work, with minimal variations. The same thing was in everyday life. Everybody ate identical dishes, rode identical bicycles and spent holidays in the same pioneer camps. Young man’s long hair a couple hugging in the street could draw attention of militia or people’s guards. Now Russians live in one of the freest societies in all the history of mankind.

And it is not about politics but rather about culture and the way of life. The state minimally interferes with these people’s private lives. Notorious “power vertical”, which in Russia penetrates the political process, never crosses a house threshold. And the society has not yet developed strict norms and cannot tell the citizens what to do and what not to do.

So where does this sensation of non-freedom come from? Most likely, it starts from within. Russian thirty-somethings put their own selves in very tight frameworks. They are obliged to work and earn, to look decently, to behave seriously, to have the most expensive mobile, to eat only healthy food, to drive a German car and to read books by Paolo Coelho. Obliged, obliged, obliged! Only to whom? Everybody damned the Soviet Union all which tried to equal people in their rights and duties — while we, as well as Post-Soviet Russians, equalize ourselves even in our interests.

A real freedom for Russians is not a freedom of speech or meetings — first of all it is a possibility to live securely and stably, having a lot of free time. And it was expected from them that they would become the first generation, free from “Sovok”, a generation of vigorous capitalism builders. In the beginning of the 90ies it looked like this indeed. Young men were enthusiastic about doing business, career, they ecstatically plunged into the world of consumer pleasures. But gradually the enthusiasm started to decline, and finally they just “burnt out”.

Fine relations in the past

Today for the majority of them work and career remain the main reference points in life. However there is already no eagerness which used to be an integral part of their life in the 90ies. The majority still estimates success in life as a possibility to consume as much as possible: “The better “apartment, car, clothes” are — the more successful the person is”. But many things are already bought, impressions are received, ambitions are satisfied. As to relations, to build them, according to many inhabitants of the Post-Soviet countries, is much more difficult. In the Soviet period nobody could even think of “marrying” a capital or real estate. True, some people lived a bit better, others — a bit worse, but overall there was an analogue of our middle class. Communicating with modern young men and women from the already independent states which used to be the USSR parts, you get a sensation that they are going to sell themselves for a good price, initially not believing that there can be “some love”. Everything is about money and sex with which by mass-media are filled. In the Soviet Union, nevertheless, they managed to shoot films about fine relations which played heartstrings and caused emotions, instead of giving life to animal instincts. You don’t need to be a film critic to understand, after watching a couple of Soviet films, what kind of relations were considered real by Russians. Maybe that is why “in the USSR there was no sex” — because everyone made love?

Probably it is for this reason that Russian young people so willingly watch old Soviet films, just rather as a fantasy — because they will seemingly soon forget what is to trust and feel. The majority of young people are dissatisfied with their private life, often substitute it for work, but do not see any real possibilities to change anything. To change something time is necessary, and there is an eternal lack of it. If your fast running stops you will be thrown to the roadside in a minute — and nobody can afford it. Aren’t these all sufficient reasons for nostalgia?

Nostalgia about own childhood at times smoothly turns into nostalgia about political system. The Soviet Union began to be associated with the state development, scope, imperial power, as well as with a quiet, stable and happy life: it was the time when there was no unemployment, terrorism or national conflicts, when human relations were simple and clear, feelings were sincere, and desires were simple.

On the bus

Back to the past?

History knows a lot of examples when nostalgia about the past was quite a powerful motive power of political development. For example, returning of socialist parties into power in some East European states during the Post-Soviet period also was in many respects caused by nostalgia about the Soviet period. It seems that in modern Russia nothing like this can happen. “The generation 76 — 82” is too apolitical, too immersed in their non-existing private life to provide serious support to any political force. That is why strong power is OK for them. It is really their choice. They want order which we ourselves create but which in Russia so far needs to be created declaratively — probably because, having lose the support of the USSR, people also lost their reference points, including the moral ones.

Instead of active actions the generation of the 70ies chooses gentle melancholy about the time of their childhood — a wish to connect the irrevocably perished past with the ruthless present not always can be interpreted in the tideway of political actions. After all in the childhood we do not know what kind of political system we have and how many parties there are, nostalgia about childhood is not interested in politics —teddy bears and first kisses seem much more exciting. It is difficult to imagine a revolution under the slogan “Return to me the right to drive a bicycle and be happy!” (Although in 1968 the French students built barricades under the slogans like “Under the roadway — a beach!” And “It is forbidden to forbid!”)

The matter is that the Soviet world allowed people to be human, unlike the present times. After all social disasters of the XX century for the first time it becomes clear that in any political system the main and the only important figure is a human. And violence of consumer instincts is a fake, just like communism promised by the year 1980. Russians do not have any illusions that the state will help in a difficult moment — it is really ridiculous and naive.

It seems to be the first generation of Russians who remained face to face with their own selves. Without ideology crutches, without a magic lifesaver — the West. And that is when memoirs of the Soviet past really start to burn souls down with ruthless fire of envy.

Possibilities to feel personal value of a person in those days were scarce, but they all were perfectly known to everyone. Everyone knew, what books should be read, what films should be watched and what should be discussed in the evening in kitchen. It also was a personal gesture giving satisfaction and installing pride. Today’s times with their infinity of possibilities make such a gesture almost impossible or marginal by definition.

The generation of thirty-somethings in the former Soviet Union, as well as our society, has now lost the right to the habitual pronoun “we”. This confusion is dictated not by time with its economic strictness, but rather by the look at the reflection in mirror. Who am I? What do I want? It is the start of prostration and “eternal memory” of yesterday, the search for answers to painful questions where the person began as a personality. But it is not a travel to the Soviet past. It is a travel to depth of one’s own soul and consciousness.

Do you still remember the beginning of the article and the sociological poll? What do you think, will anybody in our country name among the most important problems spirituality decline, like Russians did? Do we have a right to impose on them our way, and does it exist at all, the only true way for each of those “us” who do not exist?

Related posts:

1. Soviet Union Administrative Division
2. The 50th Anniversary of the Soviet Union in Old American Mags
3. Why Did the Soviet Union Collapse?

Image courtesy of Léonard Gianadda, a Swiss photograher who visited Moscow in 1957.

In 1991, when Boris Yeltsin seized the power and the Belavezha Accords were signed, the decision to disband the Soviet Union had been made and supported by the governments of Ukraine and Belarus. On December 12, 1991Russia’s secession from the Union was sealed, the Belavezha Accords were ratified and the 1922 treaty on the creation of the Soviet Union was denounced. It had been a long road, and arguably it was predictable, but the question – why then, of all times? — remains.

Guns or butter?

I would like to start this analysis by going back to the years of WWII, when the Soviet Union had one-third of the combined industrial potential of Nazi Germany, its allies and the Nazi-occupied countries, and, moreover, lost half its industry in the early months of the war. Nevertheless, in sum it produced more weapons of a better quality than Germany did, and won the great Victory. This, however unbelievably it may sound, could have been the prime reason for the decline of the USSR. They say the Soviet leaders were blinded by the miracle success – and had lost the sense of direction by entering the arms race.

Theoretically speaking, Karl Marx was the best to put it simply: in Capital, he labells war as the ultimate example of unproductive economic activity and called it “the direct equivalent of a nation throwing a part of its capital into the water”.

He also separates the productive labor of agricultural, textile, mining, industrial, and household workers from the unproductive labor of the ideological classes, such as government officials, priests, lawyers, soldiers, etc — all who have no occupation but to consume the labor of others in the form of rent, interests, etc. Thus the arms race – the country’s spendings on the military advancement and developments – has a counter productive nature and causes economic stagnation.

This in turn affected the scientific distribution: as all the best scientists, engineers, materials and machinery were, by strict orders from the highest command, delegated to the military sector.

No wonder it caused the technological lag behind the rest of the world. Ccomputers, hand calculators, audio and TV recorders, and machine tools made in the USSR could never compete with what was designed in the West. Despite the fact that every Soviet would rather own something overseas-made, the deficit of such prime goods was enormous. It also affected the services, like even though the health care was free and universal, often it struggled to deliver services due to deficits in medicine supplies.

Lloyd Dumas in his 1986 book, The Overburdened Economy, makes a convincing case hat the U.S. as well as the USSR has been economically devastated by the counter-productive effects of military spending. However, it wasn’t American economy which failed after the Cold War – it was the Russian one which fell first. Partly it was because the U.S. was integrated with the global capitalist market and flooded with imported goods, so their devastation did not show up directly in shortage of consumer and producer goods.

Dumas also notes that despite the fact that the US spent almost 7% of their GDP on the arms race, they did not come out as financially exhausted as the USSR:

The Soviet Union, in contrast, never received imperialist profits to offset the counter-productive cost of military production. Throughout the post-war period, Soviet trade with socialist partners has been structured to benefit the other socialist countries. Their purpose was reasonable: to build up the economies of the other socialist countries and create a thriving world socialist economic system as an alternative to that of the capitalists. This was most marked in Soviet trade with Cuba and Vietnam, but it could be seen as well in trade with Eastern Europe which received Soviet oil at below-market prices. The CIA was well aware of this drain on the Soviet economy, and argued that it would eventually drive them bankrupt.

And so it did

On top of that was corruption, bad policies and poor planning, the rigid, isolated system of Soviet power with restricted movement and incredible levels of bureaucracy, as well as widespread resentment towards such a state — a side effect of Gorbachev’s glasnost.

But maybe the Soviet Union had no choice but to engage into the arms race — right up to their eyeballs. Then the massive commitment of Soviet technology, production capital, and administrative-command methods were unavoidable in order to confront the invasions  — after the Revolution, the invasion by Hitler’s armies, and the Cold War threats of the U.S. and its allies. In other words, it is said that war communism was forced upon them.

Related posts:

1. Soviet Union Timeline
2. Soviet Union Administrative Division
3. The 50th Anniversary of the Soviet Union in Old American Mags